Sociology - Perspectives and Social Policy

Functionalism is a consensus perspective - they believe that society is based on a value consensus (a set of shared norms and values). Society's members are socialised into these norms and values to ensure society functions harmoniously to meet society's needs and achieve shared goals. Functionalists see society as a system comprising of many parts/sub-systems, which are all dependent on each other (e.g. the family, education system and economy are 3 sub-systems of society).

Murdock (1949) argues that the family has four essential functions to meet the needs of society and its members: 

• Sexual Function - a stable satisfaction of the sex drive with the same person, preventing social disruption caused by a sexual 'free-for-all'.
• Reproduction of the next generation - without which, society could not continue.
• Socialisation of the young - into society's shared norms and values.
• Meeting its members' economic needs - such as food and shelter.

Criticisms of Murdock:

• Murdock believes the nuclear family is the most practical way of performing such functions. Many sociologists disagree and argue that the functions can be performed equally well by other institutions (e.g. non-nuclear families). 
• Other sociologists reject his harmonious consensus view because they argue functionalism neglects conflict and exploitation: 
  • Feminists - see the family as serving needs of men and oppressing women.
  • Marxists - argue that it meets the needs of capitalism and not those of family members or society as a whole.

Parsons - argues that the particular structure of the family is determined by the functions it has to perform - the family structure will 'fit' the needs of the society in which it is found. E.g. the modern industrial society which the nuclear family fits and is the dominant type in that society. Contradicting with the traditional pre-industrial society which fits the extended family.

1995 - he sees the industrial society as having two essential needs:

A Geographically Mobile Workforce:

• In the pre-industrial society, people often spent their whole lives living in the same village, working on the same farm. In modern society, industries constantly spring up and decline in different parts of the country, requiring people to move where jobs are. 
• Parsons argues that it is easier for the compact two-generation nuclear family to move than the three-generation extended family. Therefore, the nuclear family is better fitted to the need that modern industry has for a GMW.

A Socially Mobile Workforce:

Parsons argues that the modern nuclear family has two essential functions:

Marxism is based on a class-conflict perspective:

They see all societies' as institutions, such as the education system, media, religion and the state. Along with the family as helping to maintain class inequality and capitalism. The functions of the family are performed purely for the benefit of the capitalist system.

Marxists have identified several functions that they see the family as fulfilling for capitalism:

1. Inheritance of property.

2. Ideological functions.

3. A unit of consumption.

Karl Marx - called the earliest, classless society 'primitive communism'. All members of this society owned the means of production communally. Engels (1891;1978) called this the 'promiscuous horde' or tribe, in which there were no restrictions on sexual relationships.

As the forces of production developed, societies wealth increased, meaning the development of the private property. This lead to different classes emerging by who was able to seize the means of production, i.e. the ruling class was able to afford to buy the property.

In Engels view, monogamy (being married to one person) became essential because of the inheritance of private property - men had to be sure of the paternity of their children to ensure the inheritance was legitimate. The rise of the monogamous nuclear family represented a 'world historical defeat of the female sex' - brought the woman's sexuality under male control and turned her into a 'mere instrument for the production of children'. 

Marxists argue that only through the overthrow of capitalism and private ownership of the means of production will women achieve liberation from patriarchal control. If there is a classless society then the means of production are owned collectively, not privately. This means there will no longer be a need for the patriarchal nuclear family (no need to transmit inheritance through generations).

The family today perform key ideological functions for capitalism (ideology refers to a set of ideas or beliefs that justify inequality by accepting things are 'fair', natural or unchangeable).

One way in which the family does this is by socialising children into believing hierarchy and inequality are inevitable. Parental power over children accustoms them to the idea that there always has to be someone in charge and prepares them for a working life in which they will accept orders from their capitalist employers.

Zaretsky (1976) - the family performs an ideological function by offering an apparent 'haven' from the harsh and exploitative world of capitalism, in which workers can 'be themselves' and have a private life. 

However, this is largely an illusion - the family cannot meet the needs of its members - e.g. it is based on the domestic servitude of women.

Capitalism exploits the labour of its workers selling the products for more than the pay of the workers. The family plays a major role in this as it is an important market for the scale of consumer goods:

Overall, Marxists see the family as performing several functions that maintain capitalist society; they do not benefit members of the family.

Criticisms:

Feminists argue that the family oppresses women through the unequal division of domestic labour and domestic violence. They regard gender inequality as something created by society.

They view the family in a negative and critical way. The main cause of women's oppression in the family is capitalism:

They argue that the family must be abolished at the same time a classless society must occur in order for the oppression of women to be lifted.

Oakley (1974) argued the main reason for the subordination of women in the labour market is the continuing dominance of the mother-housewife role for women. However, things are seen as improving women and the patriarchy is being challenged:

However, Marxists and radical feminists criticise liberal feminists as they are not challenging the underlying cause of women's oppression and for believing that changes in laws or attitudes will be enough to bring equality.

All societies have been founded on patriarchy (ruled by men). The key division in society is between men and women:

• Men are the enemy - the source of women's oppression and exploitation.
• Family and marriage are the key to institutions - men benefit from women's unpaid domestic labour and sexual services (dominate women through domestic and sexual violence).

The only way for the oppression of women to be overturned is by abolishing the family by separation, which women must organise themselves to live independently off men. Political feminists such as Greer, argue for the creation of 'matrilocal' households (women of the family living close to their mothers).

Criticisms:

Somerville (2000) - radical feminists fail to recognise that women's position has improved considerably and argue that separatism is unlikely to work. 

However, equality is not always a good thing - working mothers have to juggle time with home and children and are doing more now than being 'just a housewife'. 

Dobash and Dobash (2000) - suggest women in abusive relationships don't leave their partner because they cannot support themselves financially. 

This perspective argues that functionalists, Marxists and Feminists suffer from two weaknesses:

The personal life perspective takes a 'bottom-up' approach (neglect family diversity and the individual's capacity to choose their family arrangements). This perspective argues that we must emphasise the meaning that individual family members hold and how these shape their actions and relationships.

The personal life takes a wider view of relationships than just traditional 'family' relationships based on blood or marriage ties. E.g. a woman may want to care for the women who cohabited with her late father, even though they are not blood or married related.

By focusing on people's meanings, it draws our attention to the importance of the relationships of non-blood or marriage ties. Examples include:

Criticisms:

It is a broad view - having a range of different kinds of personal relationships, ignores what is special about relationships based on blood or marriage.

It rejects the top down view taken by other perspectives, but it does see intimate relationships as performing the important function of providing us with a sense of belonging and relatedness.

The PLP recognises that relatedness is not always for the positive - e.g. people may be trapped in violent, abusive relationships.

Nordqvist and Smart's (2014) research on donor-conceived children:

Functionalist: (positive view)

They believe that the state acts in the interest of society as a whole. Policies help families to perform their functions more effectively and make life better for their members. For example, the welfare state takes pressure off the family with regards to education and healthcare. This allows the family to focus on socialisation and nurturing children.Fletcher (1966) argues that welfare benefits support the family in performing its functions more effectively by introducing health policies. For example, the NHS means that with the help of doctors, nurses, hospitals and medicines, the family today is better able to take care of its members when they are sick and can be cared for at home by the family.

Evaluation:

They state policies are a form of state power over families. Foucault (1976) stated that surveillance is used in society whereby power is diffused throughout and found in relationships. 

For example, Donzelot uses Foucault's terms and argues that social workers, health visitors and doctors use their knowledge to control and change poorer families. E.g. the state may seek control and regulate family life by imposing compulsory parenting orders through the courts. Parents of young offenders, truants or badly behaved children may be forced to attend parenting classes to learn the 'correct' way to bring up their children.

Evaluation:

Negative view - they see social policies as undermining the nuclear family. State policies have encouraged non-nuclear families to form, e.g. Almond (2006) argues that:

Governments weaken the family's self-reliance by providing generous welfare benefits. For example, council housing is provided for unmarried teenage mothers, encouraging young women to become pregnant as they know the state will look after them and their child, and cash payments will support lone-parent families.

Murray (1984) argues that these benefits offer 'perverse incentives'. They reward irresponsible/anti-social behaviour. E.g. the growth of lone-parent families encouraged benefits meaning more boys are growing up without a male/authority figure. This becomes responsible for the rising crime rate among young males - leads to a dependency culture.

Reflect a new right view - they banned the promotion of homosexuality by local authorities and a ban on teaching homosexuality.

They defined divorce as a social problem and emphasised the responsibility of parents for their children after divorce. They introduced the child support agency which enforced payments by absent parents.

They introduced measures such as making divorce easier and giving 'illegitimate' children (born out of marriage) the same rights as those born to married parents.

Took the view that a family headed by married, heterosexual couple as the best environment for bringing up children. Parents need to take responsibility for their children, e.g. introduction of Parenting Orders for truants/young offenders.

Silva and Smart (1999) stated the New Labour recognises that women now go to work:

The New Labour welcome state intervention to help improve life for families, e.g. welfare, minimum wage, taxation policies were partly aimed at lifting children out of poverty.

The New Labour also allows civil partnerships for same-sex couples, gave unmarried couples the same right to adopt as married couples and outlawing discrimination on grounds of sexuality.

Hayton (2010) - there was a division called:

Critics argue that the coalition financial authority policies reflected the New Right's desire to cut public spending. The coalition failed to introduce policies to promote a conventional nuclear family, meaning that two-parent families with children fared badly as a result of tax and benefit policies.

Conflict view - social policy reinforces patriarchal ideas, maintaining women's subordinate position in society.

Land (1978) argues that many social policies assume the ideal family is the patriarchal nuclear family. This norm affects the kind of policies governing family life. The policies often reinforce that particular type of family, creating a self-fulfilling prophecy. This makes it difficult for people to live in other family types. 

Policies supporting the patriarchal family:

Conflict view - social policy reinforces patriarchal ideas, maintaining women's subordinate position in society.

Land (1978) argues that many social policies assume the ideal family is the patriarchal nuclear family. This norm affects the kind of policies governing family life. The policies often reinforce that particular type of family, creating a self-fulfilling prophecy. This makes it difficult for people to live in other family types. 

Policies supporting the patriarchal family:

Leonard (1978) - argues that even when policies appear to support women, they also reinforce patriarchy in the family - act as a form of social control over women.

Evaluation:

Not all policies are directed at maintaining patriarchy. E.g. equal pay and sex discrimination laws, benefits for lone parents, refuges for women escaping domestic violence and equal rights to divorce can all be said to challenge the patriarchal family. 

Whether a social policy promotes patriarchy often depends on the country. Drew found that in more equal societies family policy is based on the belief that husbands and wives should be treated the same. E.g. In Sweden, policies treat husbands and wives as equally responsible for both income-earning and childcare.

Drew (1995) uses the concept of 'gender regimes' to describe how social policies in different countries can either encourage or discourage gender equality in the family and at work. E.g:

Drew argues that most EU countries are moving towards individualistic gender regimes, and moving away from the traditional patriarchal family. However such policies, such as funded childcare do not come cheap, so it is naive to assume that there is a 'march of progress'. For example, since the recession of 2008, cutbacks in government spending led to pressure on women to take more responsibility for caring for family members. Also, families are encouraged to use private healthcare, rather than the state.