Black Consciousness and Soweto Uprising

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Steve Biko and SASO - African higher education

  • In the late 1960s, a new momentum developed within opposition circles rooted first in the universities where apartheid had been applied (Extension of University education act 159)
  • Bantu education was heavily criticised and Tabata wrote a book evaluating the system called education for barbarism. 
  • The nationalists realised that whites couldn't provide all the skills needed for economic development within South Africa and recognised new homelands would need a officials and professional if they were to function as effective self-governinterritorieses.
  • After the 1959 act, Africans seeking a university education from townships were increasingly directed to Turfkiio university. Turfloop became a melting pot, linguistically, ethnically and politically. Some came from families with ANC and PAC connections. 
  • Many of the students who came to the new black universities were from Christian backgrounds. The mission schools had been the main route to education in African.
  • North American civil rights successes, the militant MLK, and black power slogans drifte back to the students through newspapers and talks. Boby Kennedy visited South Africa in 1966 at the invitation of the NUSAS and gave some resounding and well-publicised speeches at the white campuses. 
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Steve Biko and SASO

  • Biko was a medical student at the University of Natal and attended NUSAS & University Christian movement congresses. NUSAS had prided itself as a vehicle for liberal and non-racial expression, but it was dominated by white students. Biko led the black delegation 
  • They were a growing group and beginning to feel that they needed their own political vehicle 
  • The university refused to allow back students to stay on campus or use facilities
  • Black students asked for the meeting to be suspended or moved to the townships but the white delegations accepted the situation accepted the situation  
  • This incident helped to trigger the formation of a separate black student movement during 1968-69. After the University Christian movement was banned on some campuses, they founded SASO in July 1969 at Turfloop with Biko as the first president 
  • A new phase of South African resistance was born. In some ways it took up the Africanist ideas expressed by the ANC and the PAC, to these were added elements of black and liberation theology. African nationalism and American black power. 
  • Biko argued that black people should lead themselves and not be led by whites. Whites were claiming a monopoly on intelligence and moral judgement. Black people needed tor rethink their position in society and liberate first their own minds 
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Black consciousness

  • This was a organised political movement and more an intellectual orientation. It asserted self-assurance in being black at a time when white South African society was most confident of its power. Black consciousness was an attitude of mind and aimed to ensure that black people 'self-defined' rather than being defined by others. 
  • The use of the word black was a challenge in itself to the negative terms 'non-white' which were common in everyday. Black probably derived from the US where activist used it in place of coloured. Another purpose behind using the word was to kill of the much-disliked government term Bantu. Blackness was also a political identity and Coloureds could identify with being black
  • Black universities such as Turfloop produced activists who became central in South African protest politics. Ironically, the apartheid universities gave them this opportunity 
  • SASO was able to maintain a strong presence on the black campuses by influencing or controlling the Student councils. Students organised a rally in support of 'Frelimo' . By 1972, a black consciousness movements was launched
  • It's leaders were careful to distance themselves from banned organisations. The PAC had been a movement largely of migrant workers while black consciousness was a movement of the youth. Black consciousness looked to the future. By 1973 the government had declared the movement was becoming too dangerous and banning orders were issued  
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Mobilization of school children

  • In 1975, the momentum of protest was shifting to the schools. The high schools were expanding quickly at this time. Between 1950-1975, the number of African children at school increased from around 1 million to over 3.5 million
  • Soweto schools often had classes of  over 60 students 
  • High school pupils were still a minority among their age cohort in South Africa. Gangs such as the Hazels and Dirty Dozens, collectively called tsotsis in street language, were violent and hostile to the high school children 
  • Soweto youth gang would hang around the schools nd the shops, threatening school students and even demanding sex with girls. School students were fighting on two fronts, against the government and the gangs. Black consciousness gave the students a stronger sense of identity
  • By 1976, they were combining against gangs and formed self-defence units that were prepared to use violence themselves.
  • It was a tough world and it is important to illustrate this context because it helps us to understand the growing collective consciousness, the intensity of anger that such students would muster, and why some were prepared to take major risk 
  • Events in Soweto in the mid-70s were a key turning point in the history of apartheid 
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Soweto uprising

  • In 1974, the Transvaal Bantu Education Department decided to expand teaching in Afrikaans at African schools. Afrikaans was compulsory for black students and the government wanted African students to learn other subjects, like Maths, to be taught in Afrikaans 
  • Afrikaans was seen as the language of the oppressor and racism but saw English as the language of advancement, the language of Black American and a global language 
  • African school children would now have to master not one but two languages in addition to their African first language 
  • In May 1976,  SASM, which was based in the schools tried to organise boycotts. 2,000 students marched to Orlando stadium but was confronted by about 50 police at Orlando West School.Stones were hurled and police released dogs which left a few dead. The pupils then attacked government building killed two officials. 138 died over the first few days of protest
  • Winnie Mandela and Motlana formed Black parents association to organise funerals and these in turn became politicised occasions 
  • On 17 June, Wits University students arched in sympathy and Turfloop students tried to burn dow the Afrikaans department on their campus
  • The next day shops and liquor stores in Alexandra townships were attacked
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Aftermath of Soweto Uprising

  • A government commission of inquiry calculated that 575 died in the Soweto revolt and its aftermath. It was the single most violent episode of state repression sine Sharpeville and similarly attracted global attention. 
  • School students were not armed but they were increasingly prepared to use violence against property-
  • On a few occasions, crowds acted violently against individuals, sometimes in revenge for police shootings. The latter were overwhelmingly the most significant cause of death. In April 1977 when the local administration declared a rise in rents, partly because they had lost money through the burning of buildings, the Soweto student council organised a mass demonstration
  • In order to avoid arrest, an estimated 4,000 youths fled the country in 1976-77 The only coherent organisation was the ANC, by then based in Zambia
  • Some of those who fled were less educated street youths, and when recruited into MK, they were reputed to make good soldiers because they were not scared about dying
  • In the debates, the took place on the Island, most black consciousness activist move over to the ANC.
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The impact of the death of Biko

  • In 1973the government banned Biko and was made to live in Eastern cape. His movements were restriced and he was not alowed to attend political meetings. 
  • This made it difficult for him to be involved in the wider AAM, although he remained involved in local black consciousness activities 
  • He also maintained a strong profile through hi writing and his profile was raised ebcause he was taken up by Donald woods a liberal East London newspaper 
  • The relationship between Woods and Biko was potrayed in the film 'Cry freedom' 
  • In August 1977, Biko left Kingwilliamstown, breaking his banning order, and was arrested and severely beaten 
  • A few weeks later when he was close to death, he was rushed to a prison hospital in Pretoria. He died on 12 September 1977
  • The police claimed his death was related to a hunger strike, however, Woods challeneged this voer-up and made alegations of police brutility 
  • The nature of Biko's death in police custody provoked international dispproval
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Difficulties in exile

  • During the 60s, the ANC established a number of offices abroad and London remained an important center for the movement. In Africa, Anc activities were concentrated in Tanzania & Zambia
  • Tambo became acting president after Luthli's death and was based in Zambia from 1967. The movement thought that would be appropriate to work from an African country close to South Africa. The president Kaunda was sympathetic to their cause 
  • Mk also moved to Zambia and was the base for two major military incursions - the Wankie and Sipolio campaigns in 1967/8 
  • In the firtt, a group of about 50 trained MK guerrillas, including Hani, attempted to create a route through Zimbabwe to South Africa. However, one of the detachments was destroyed by Rhodesian government and others were forced to retreat into Botswana 
  • The Sipolilo campaign lasted longer and resulted in heavy losses. The Zambian government became concerned about it role as a base for armed struggle and Kaunda demanded that Tambo find new bases for MK. 
  • Hani survived the Wanki campaign and him others issued a memorandum critical of the ANC leadership. The memorandum accused the ANC leaders of careerism and becoming middle class 'globe-trotting' and were particularly critical of Joe Modise for being undemocratic
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Internal reorganisation and external leitmacy

  • The leadership of MK responded with some hostility to the accusations by Hani, and Tambo faced a major crisis with within the organisation. He took personal responsibility for the failings
  • The youthful rebels were called to a tribunal and expelled from the ANC 
  • Tambo called a conference in Tanzania in 1969 but was immediately re-elected without opposition. This gave him a stronger hand to address the division. The ANC also took to decision to admit people of all races
  • The movement adopted a 'strategy and tactics' document that affirmed the importance of armed struggle but stressed  more the need for political leadership, political education and political unity. This meant to infiltrate individuals and small groups who could resurrect the movement on the ground. 
  • These decisions were clearly influenced by the memorandum, although it would not be until the 1980s, and the emergence of a renewed mass protests in South Africa, before a new approach was effectively developed. Attempts to make armed incursions stopped 
  • A group within the ANC believe the movement should remain African. In 1975, they articulated their views publicly and were expelled. A rival ANC group attacked Tambo as well as the CP 
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Oliver Tambo and the ANC

  • Holding together a politicised exile movement, scattered in different places, prone to ideological arguments ith some in the military wing and others not, was particularly difficult. Tambo was a quiet but determined man who tried to listen as well as lead. 
  • he was deeply conscious of the need for unit 
  • he held strongly to the ANC's philosophy of non-racialism and worked with exiles from all South African communities
  • He recognised the value of the multi-racial AAM, even though it retained a significant degree of independence from the AN and drew in a disparate set of activists with many different views
  •  He realised the value of international solidarity, as well as finding ways of reinserting the ANC into politics on the group within South Africa 
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Sporting boycotts

  • The issue of race and politics in sport took shape in a campaign called ' Stop the Seventy tour' 1969-70 following the D Oliveira crisis. 
  • The first target was a South African rugby tour of Britain and Ireland. Peter Hain organised mass demonstrations, pickets of the tourists and pitch invasions. Gordon Brown participated in Edinburgh.Following this protest, the 1970 cricket tour by a white SA team to UK was cancelled
  • South Africa allowed New Zealand to tour South Africa in 1970 depite there being players from Maori backgrounds and would have been classed as coloured in South Africa
  • However, in 1973, a whites-only South African rugby team planned to tour New Zealand but a movement called Halt All Racist tours campaigned successfully against the visit. 
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Economic boycotts

  • In 1970, a conservative government under Edward Heath was elected in th UK and he withdrew Britain from the UN arms boycott introduced in 1964 
  • Economic disengagement from South Africa was not palatable to the Conservative party, to hundreds of international companies with business interest in the country 
  • Britain remained South Africas most important trading partner. The conservatives opposed the idea of South Africas economic isolation in principle
  • During the 70s, they developed strategies that came to be known as 'constructive engagement' The argument was that overseas investors should both improve their employment practices & use their influence to improve conditions for black workers in South Africa
  • They argued that economic growth would reveal the weakness of apartheid because  as demand for workers expand, it would be increasingly difficult for south Africa to control urbanization
  • Companies would need more skilled black workers and this would lead the government to realise that they had to relax race rules. This argument for had support from the conservative party
  • The AAM  advocated more systematic disinvestment & boycotts and argued that continued economic engagement enabled foreign companies to make profit off of cheap workers
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Trade Union

  • Black workers made up the great majority of miners and most white homes had black domestic servant living in back rooms. About 1.5 million African people worked on the farms and by 1976, the number of people working in industries or factories reached 1.6 
  • Black workers had few rights but they could threaten a disruption that struck the heart of the economy. Attempts at organising black workers had produced SACTU which was aligned with the ANC. But the movement only reached 50k members and faltered  to state repression
  • Trade unions became a significant issue for the government during the 70s/80s. Black workers at PUTCO went on strike in 1972 & workers at a brick factory near Durban withdrew from work
  • In this context, former unionists & white student activists began to build new trade unions in Durban, Johannesburg and Cape. These were independent and their legal status were unknown but the government didn't immediately ban them. 
  • In 1979, food workers at a small factory owned by a South African family of Italian descent struck for union recognition and higher wages. The strike brought coloured and African migrant men together, Activist went into Fattis and Monis pasta and dumped them at checkouts and African traders in township stoped selling their products. 
  • By 1979, some of the new independent unions felt sufficiently confident to combine into FOSATU, with main support around Johannesburg
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The re-emergence of ANC support in South Africa

  • Black consciousness thinking deeply influenced the Soweto protest of 1976 but even then some of the students were aware of the alternative political tradition of the ANC & non-racialism
  • During the next few years, this became increasingly dominant within South Africa and those wedded to the ANC (e.g Winnie Mandela and those coming off Robben Island) sought to influence the new generation
  • COASAS was launched in 1979 to coordinate school protests nationally and it's fist leader, Mogale, was an underground supporter of the ANC. COASAS committed itself to the Freedom Charter. 
  • In 1980, a wave of school protests, inspired by this new political alignment, fought against racially unequal education and closed many black schools. 
  • The term Charterist was used in English to describe those who broadly supported the Freedom Charter. By implication, they also supported the ANC- although it was dangerous to declare this openly.
  • In the late 70s and early 80s, a great diversity of civic organisations were founded in townships and rural communities and sought to fight against local councils and rent increase. 
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Liberalism opposition

  • Liberalism as a political ideology and movement had deep roots in South and a Liberal party was founded largely by white activists. Most were middle class and highly educate
  • In 1959, 11 mps in the United Party formed a separate Progressive Party. Only one, Helen Suzman held her seat in the next election in 1961. While opposed to apartheid, they advocated a restricted, qualified franchise for blacks and were committed to working within the whites-only parliament. 
  • The progressives were economic liberals who argued that the South African state intervened far too heavily in protecting whites in the job market. They argued that this was not only morally wrong but greatly retarded economic development in South Africa because the country was so short of skilled workers
  • In 1974, the Progressives ahieved a mall breakthrough, increasing their seats from one to seven and their white vote from 40k (1966) to 59k
  • By contrast, the old United Party won 41 seats in 1974. At that time, it still represented the conservative views of English speakers. But the UP lost direction and had no alternative t apartheid. The UP splintered in the next fear years and by 1978, a new Progresive Federal had become the main opposition in Parliament.  
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Troubles in the Bantustans

  • During the 70s, the National party pressed ahead with its homeland policy. Vorster put in money on a large scale. greatly assisted by the rise in tax revenues from gold mining 
  • Vorster and Both pushed through the policy of granting independence to 4 homelands ( Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda, and Ciskei. In Pretoria's eyes, they were independent countries though they relied heavily on South Africa for their revenues. However, they were not recognised by another country
  • But there were some benefits from this expenditure for poor rural communities. In the early 70s, over 50% of homeland budgets went to education, roads, health and agriculture. The  government was keen for educational provision to expand more rapidly in the rural, rather than urban areas.
  • Bantu education brought large new budgets and 5 universities launched in these marginalised parts of the country  
  • The government believed that successful homeland agriculture would not only raise rural incomes but keep more people out of the city. 
  • In KwaZulu, rents and services such as electricity were subsidised and good deal cheaper than in the townships falling within South Africa
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Troubles in the Bantustans

  • During the 70s, the National party pressed ahead with its homeland policy. Vorster put in money on a large scale. greatly assisted by the rise in tax revenues from gold mining 
  • Vorster and Both pushed through the policy of granting independence to 4 homelands ( Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda, and Ciskei. In Pretoria's eyes, they were independent countries though they relied heavily on South Africa for their revenues. However, they were not recognised by another country
  • But there were some benefits from this expenditure for poor rural communities. In the early 70s, over 50% of homeland budgets went to education, roads, health and agriculture. The  government was keen for educational provision to expand more rapidly in the rural, rather than urban areas.
  • Bantu education brought large new budgets and 5 universities launched in these marginalised parts of the country  
  • The government believed that successful homeland agriculture would not only raise rural incomes but keep more people out of the city. 
  • In KwaZulu, rents and services such as electricity were subsidised and good deal cheaper than in the townships falling within South Africa
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  • Buthlezi in KwaZulu refused to hold an election or accept independence. In the 70s, he was critical of the nationalist government. He gained effective access to the national media
  • One of the smaller homelands, Kangwane, which was supposed to provide for South Africa's Swazi population, became a center for underground activism associated with the ANC. However, the homelands were to carefully policised to become bases for armed struggle led by MK
  • Some of the homeland leaders believed that they could use their new status to negotiate with Pretoria for increased rights. At a meeting in Umtata in 1973, they agreed that their long-term aim should be to achieve one black nation. Pretoria needed them but couldn't control them
  • The rise of black consciousness and radicalisation of popular struggle after Soweto in 1976 had polarized African politics. For example, Buthelezi initially seemed to offer a broad national leadership but he was rejected by black consciousness activists & those sympathetic to the anc 
  • Many of the homeland governments resorted to the same forms of repression as the South African government. Their expenditure on police and military forces, supported by Pretoria, grew quickly. Yet as noted above, homeland universities, particularly Turfloop and Fort Hare were key centers of black consciousness and political difference. 
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An assessment of homeland policy

  • Money pouring into homeland administrations created a setting in which personalised and corruption could flourish. The homeland administrations could not be voted out and homeland politics increasingly revolved around access to the new jobs and state assets
  • Individual leaders such as Kaiser Matanzima in Transkei and his brother George gained direct financial benefit from their political positions. For example, a central element in homeland policy was to buy out white traders in rural areas and distribute the business to Africans. 
  • The Mantanzima family had substantial interests in some of the companies that took over the small town hotels 
  • The national party found significant support within African communities for aspects of the homeland policy. Even if they didn't think it was the end goal, some African politicians were prepared to work with the project. We shouldn't underestimate the strength of conservative forces and support for chiefs in the countryside at the time
  • The homeland policy helped shore up apartheid at an important time for Afrikaaner nationalist but it was also very expensive and wasteful of public funds
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National party division

  • Vorster remained securely in power from 1966 to 1978 and comfortably won the white elections of 1970 and 19974. By ths time the National party won wide English speaking as well as Afrikaner support
  • However, Afrikaners did not all think in the same way and cracks were beginning to appear in the National Party 'Verligte and verkrampte' groupings had developed within the National Party
  • The verligtes argued that better training should be available for black workers and suggested that if black trade unions were recognised. They also advocated more opportunities for the rising African middle class in the cities
  • The verkrampte, by contrast, argued that the solution lay in more rapid and stringent implementation of separate development 
  • Vorster, although pragmatic in his views, tended to side with the verkramptes. His government pursued the policy of creating independent homelands. He rejected the recommendations of a government commision of inquiry, which he himself had appointed, that there should be greater integration of Coloured people with whites
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  • In 1978, Vorster had been in power for 12 years and was ageing and il. He seemed to favour Mulder for the succession. 
  • Mulder, the minister of information, was in charge of government propaganda. He was head of the Transvaal National Party
  • Vorster gave Mulder a secret fund to wage a propaganda campaign both within and outside the country. They tried to influence the British and American media by purchasing and publishing magazines. They cultivated overseas politicians who seemed to support white rule. 
  • In 1978, Vorster's government was rocked by the 'information scandal'Newspapers published stories showing that the propaganda slush fund established under Mulder was being used in corrupt ways.
  • The biggest slush of money had gone to establish a loss-making newspaper 'The citizen' designed to win English-language opposition press, this was a great opportunity to illustrate the abuse of power and dirty tricks at the heart of Afrikaner rule 
  • Mulder competed with Botha for the position of prime minister. Although Mulders local Transvaal wing was the biggest power base in the National party, his role in the information scandal and his attempt to deny it loss him the election. Botha was elected by 98 votes to 74
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Economic pressures

  • The western world in general went into recession following the oil crisis of 1973. Oil was essential for all industrial economies as it powered vehicles and planes that were central to global trade. In 1973, the oil price doubled
  • South Africa was vulnerable to the oil price shock because it had no natural oil and needed to import much of its supply. 
  • The nationalists founded a state-owned corporation called SASOL, which became the bggest oil-from-coa producer in the world, and by the early 80s produced one-third of national requirements 
  • Although a price of gold helped to avert a sharp economic slowdown, South African manufacturing industry ceased to grow. South Africa's factories, protected by the government, could not compete 
  • Skilled white workers were expensive and insufficiently numerous and Black workers were held back by racial restrictions on their training and promotion 
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Population pressure

  • Between the census of 1960 and 1991, the white population grew from 3 million to 5 million and the African population from 1 million to 29 million. 
  • Massive population growth among the African people resulted in significant social outcomes that fundamentally shaped as the population younger and unemployment escalated 
  • 68% of the African population lived in rural areas in 1960 and about 80 percent of rural land was subdivided into white-owned fams. Many white farmers did well from the 50s to the 80s &  were at the heart of National party. An indicator of this is the increase of tractors from 100k -3
  • Small farms didn't prosper and less efficient farmers gave up, the number of white farmers fell from 120k to 65k. Growing farm sizes, greater efficiency and more mechanisation led to significant increase in production but reduced the need for African workers.
  • Between 1960 and 1980, about two million black people moved off farms and the 'Surplus People's project' attempted to record their experiences. Many of the surplus people ended p in desolate settlements. Botshabelo held over 200,000 people by 1985 & most came from farms
  • Population increase was so rapid that displaced towns could not cope and many people didn't want to live in them. Instead, thy moved to the major cities.People built their own shelters from whatever material they could find and had no electricity and no running water. During the early 80s the pass laws were breaking down and challenged in courts
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Botha and reform

  • Botha became prime minister in 1978. Although he was not a strong verligte, he was committed to the need for reform. Reform from above, to accommodate opposition, is often a very difficult process. 
  • Botha's aim was to keep the initiative and ensure that reform was matched with repression where necessary. He was also aware of the changing regional picture as South Africa became isolated. Reform moved along two main fronts which were designed to maintain ***********
  • Botha's period of rule coincided with Reagan and Thatcher, With two powerful conservative as global powers, international pressure on South Africa was somewhat reduced. Both of these leaders were also advocates of free markets and deregulation. The national party was no longer so dependent on protecting poor whites. 
  • The government therefore, decided to increase the security of African workers and their ability to move into more skilled jobs.After Soweto, expenditure on African education rose sharply 
  • In Botha's reform era, the national party softened the language of race. He continued to promote the homelands, and in fact expenditure increased. Political powers were devolved to black urban councils and in 1979 urban African people were allowed to long-term lease properties. In the same year, the nation football league was decracialised. These were small concessions but signalled significant ideological changes. 
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The constitution

Botha began to reconstruct the constitution of South Africa. He wished to concentrate power in the hands of the executive, rather an parliament, and developed a presidential form of government. This would also provide a route for incorporating Coloured and Indian communities who had not been given homelands 

  • In 1980, he created a President's Council, an advisory body of white, coloured and Indian politicians
  • In 1983, Coloured and Indian parliaments were established with the Presidents council as an overarching body 
  • Botha became president in 1983 at the head of a tricameral parliament 

The system stopped short of granting political rights to Africans outside of the homelands. But 30 years after excluding Coloured and Indian people from any influence in the central parliament. Botha's reform policy was softening the hard edges of racial exclusion. To a limited degree, the national party as recognising that it had made a massive mistake. 

Botha reform agenda triggered a split of verkramptes under Treuricht, The Afrikaaner conservative party believe, that Botha's reforms betrayed the original principle of apartheid. However, apartheid had always been to some degree a flexible ideology. 

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Mozambique, Angola and Namibia

  • Mozambique 
  • FRELIMO came to power in Mozambique led Samora Machel. Most of the 100,000 Portuguese settlers in the country left and Machel sought support from communist powers. His internal policy and external allies alarmed South Africa. Machelenabled the ZANU to establish military bases in Mozambique to fight against Ian Smiths minority white government. Smith supported Renamo to fight FRELIMO & Botha supported Renamo to destabilise Mozambique 
  • Angola and Namibia
  • Angola became independent in 1975 under the Marxist MPLA. The South African government was concerned that it would become a base for SWAPO, so South Africa built up military presence on the Northern Namibian border and sent troops into Angola.
  • Extended talks were held to try reach an internal settlement in Namibia. These were sponsored by the UN and supported by Western powers which were keen to promote moderate African government. The significant white population of the country included a majority of Afrikaners and the National Party feared that African majority rule in Namibia was likely to mean a SWAPO government which might support the ANC. 
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Defence expenditure & Regional accommodations

  • Defence expenditure
  • As South Africa was surrounded by independent African countries where the ANC where carrying out an armed struggle, Pretoria chose to spend a lot on defence.
  • After the UN voluntary ban on weapons exports to South Africa, the government prioritised a domestic arms industry under a government corporation called Armscor 
  • South Africa manufactured its own firearms, military vehicles and aircraft, so that by 1982, 80% of its vastly increased store of armaments was made in the country. 
  • Israel formed an alliance with South Africa and military links were of central importance 
  • Regional accommodations 
  • In 1980, 9 southern African states launched the SADCC. This excluded South Africa and was designed as a counterweight to the apartheid's regime
  • This proved difficult because South Africa controlled key transport links through its railways and roads to Botswana, Zimbabwe, Lesotho and Swazliland. For SADCC, mozambican ports were the best alternative. 
  • However, Botha didn't rely on military strategies alone. In 1982 Swaziland signed a non-aggression pact with South Africa & Lesotho had been persuaded against hosting the ANC. South Africa undertook to stop military support for Renamo if  FRELIMO would cease providing sanctuary for the ANC. Botha signed this personally with Machel
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International condemnation of the National Party

  • Economic sanctions and political alignments 
  • In 1974, reports of starvation wage paid by British firms in South Africa made national headlines. Rather than disinvestment, a British parliamentary select committee & trade union congress advocated a formal code of conduct for British firms operating in South Africa
  • Congressman Sullivan was approached in 1975 by anti-apartheid activists & after Soweto uprising, he formulated a series of principles & practices around wages/conditions
  • The AAM generally opposed these initiatives as they felt they gave succor to the South African government. The AAM was uneasy about supporting black consciousness and when Mashini, the SASM, arrived in London he was not given a platform 
  • The AAM and ANC were still guided by SACTU, the ANC's trade union arm, but SACTU no longer had a presence in South Africa as individual went into new unions 
  • But the AC was suspicious of the new unions because they focused on shop floor politics and not national liberation. 
  • The AAM was reluctant to promote them in its newspaper or assist in fundraising 
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Political prisioners

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